The zeal with which solar studies have been pursued during the last half century has already gone far to redeem the neglect of the two preceding ones. Since Schwabe's discovery was published in 1851, observers have multiplied, new facts have been rapidly accumulated, and the previous comparative quiescence of thought on the great subject of the constitution of the sun, has been replaced by a bewildering variety of speculations, conjectures, and more or less justifiable inferences. It is satisfactory to find this novel impulse not only shared, but to a large extent guided, by our countrymen.
William Rutter Dawes, one of many clergymen eminent in astronomy, observed, in 1852, with the help of a solar eye-piece of his own devising, some curious details of spot-structure.[405] The umbra—heretofore taken for the darkest part of the spot—was seen to be suffused with a mottled, nebulous illumination, in marked contrast with the striated appearance of the penumbra; while through this "cloudy stratum" a "black opening" permitted the eye to divine farther unfathomable depths beyond. The hole thus disclosed—evidently the true nucleus—was found to be present in all considerable, as well as in many small maculæ.
Again, the whirling motions of some of these objects were noticed by him. The remarkable form of one sketched at Wateringbury, in Kent, January 17, 1852, gave him the means of detecting and measuring a rotatory movement of the whole spot round the black nucleus at the rate of 100 degrees in six days. "It appeared," he said, "as if some prodigious ascending force of a whirlwind character, in bursting through the cloudy stratum and the two higher and luminous strata, had given to the whole a movement resembling its own."[406] An interpretation founded, as is easily seen, on the Herschelian theory, then still in full credit.
An instance of the same kind was observed by Mr. W. R. Birt[Pg 144] in 1860,[407] and cyclonic movements are now a recognised feature of sun-spots. They are, however, as Father Secchi[408] concluded from his long experience, but temporary and casual. Scarcely three per cent. of all spots visible exhibit the spiral structure which should invariably result if a conflict of opposing, or the friction of unequal, currents were essential, and not merely incidental to their origin. A whirlpool phase not unfrequently accompanies their formation, and may be renewed at periods of recrudescence or dissolution; but it is both partial and inconstant, sometimes affecting only one side of a spot, sometimes slackening gradually its movement in one direction, to resume it, after a brief pause, in the opposite. Persistent and uniform notions, such as the analogy of terrestrial storms would absolutely require, are not to be found. So that the "cyclonic theory" of sun-spots, suggested by Herschel in 1847,[409] and urged, from a different point of view, by Faye in 1872, may be said to have completely broken down.
The drift of spots over the sun's surface was first systematically investigated by Carrington, a self-constituted astronomer, gifted with the courage and the instinct of thoughtful labour.
Born at Chelsea in May, 1826, Richard Christopher Carrington entered Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1844. He was intended for the Church, but Professor Challis's lectures diverted him to astronomy, and he resolved, as soon as he had taken his degree, to prepare, with all possible diligence, to follow his new vocation. His father, who was a brewer on a large scale at Brentford, offered no opposition; ample means were at his disposal; nevertheless, he chose to serve an apprenticeship of three years as observer in the University of Durham, as though his sole object had been to earn a livelihood. He quitted the post only when he found that its restricted opportunities offered no farther prospect of self-improvement.
He now built an observatory of his own at Redhill in Surrey, with the design of completing Bessel's and Argelander's survey of the northern heavens by adding to it the circumpolar stars omitted from their view. This project, successfully carried out between 1854 and 1857, had another and still larger one superposed upon it before it had even begun to be executed. In 1852, while the Redhill Observatory was in course of erection, the discovery of the coincidence between the sun-spot and magnetic periods was announced. Carrington was profoundly interested, and devoted his enforced leisure to the examination of records,[Pg 145] both written and depicted, of past solar observations. Struck with their fragmentary and inconsistent character, he resolved to "appropriate," as he said, by "close and methodical research," the eleven-year period next ensuing.[410] He calculated rightly that he should have the field pretty nearly to himself; for many reasons conspire to make public observatories slow in taking up new subjects, and amateurs with freedom to choose, and means to treat them effectually, were scarcer then than they are now.
The execution of this laborious task was commenced November 9, 1853. It was intended to be merely a parergon—a "second subject," upon which daylight energies might be spent, while the hours of night were reserved for cataloguing those stars that "are bereft of the baths of ocean." Its results, however, proved of the highest interest, although the vicissitudes of life barred the completion, in its full integrity, of the original design. By the death, in 1858, of the elder Carrington, the charge of the brewery devolved upon his son; and eventually absorbed so much of his care that it was found advisable to bring the solar observations to a premature close, on March 24, 1861.
His scientific life may be said to have closed with them. Attacked four years later with severe, and, in its results, permanent illness, he disposed of the Brentford business, and withdrew to Churt, near Farnham, in Surrey. There, in a lonely spot, on the top of a detached conical hill known as the "Devil's Jump," he built a second observatory, and erected an instrument which he was no longer able to use with pristine effectiveness; and there, November 27, 1875, he died of the rupture of a blood vessel on the brain, before he had completed his fiftieth year.[411]
His observations of sun-spots were of a geometrical character. They concerned positions and movements, leaving out of sight physical peculiarities. Indeed, the prudence with which he limited his task to what came strictly within the range of his powers to accomplish, was one of Carrington's most valuable qualities. The method of his observations, moreover, was chosen with the same practical sagacity as their objects. As early as 1847, Sir John Herschel had recommended the daily self-registration of sun-spots,[412] and he enforced the suggestion, with more immediate prospect of success, in 1854.[413] The art of celestial photography, however, was even then in a purely tentative stage, and Carrington wisely resolved to waste no time on dubious experiments, but employ the means of registration and measurement actually at his command.[Pg 146] These were very simple, yet very effective. To the "helioscope" employed by Father Scheiner[414] two centuries and a quarter earlier, a species of micrometer was added. The image of the sun was projected upon a screen by means of a firmly-clamped telescope, in the focus of which were placed two cross-wires forming angles of 45° with the meridian. The six instants were then carefully noted at which these were met by the edges of the disc as it traversed the screen, and by the nucleus of the spot to be measured.[415] A short process of calculation then gave the exact position of the spot as referred to the sun's centre.
From a series of 5,290 observations made in this way, together with a great number of accurate drawings, Carrington derived conclusions of great importance on each of the three points which he had proposed to himself to investigate. These were: the law of the sun's rotation, the existence and direction of systematic currents, and the distribution of spots on the solar surface.
Grave discrepancies were early perceived to exist between determinations of the sun's rotation by different observers. Galileo, with "comfortable generality," estimated the period at "about a lunar month";[416] Scheiner, at twenty-seven days.[417] Cassini, in 1678, made it 25·58; Delambre, in 1775, no more than twenty-five days. Later inquiries brought these divergences within no more tolerable limits. Laugier's result of 25·34 days—obtained in 1841—enjoyed the highest credit, yet it differed widely in one direction from that of Böhm (1852), giving 25·52 days, and in the other from that of Kysæus (1846), giving 25·09 days. Now the cause of these variations was really obvious from the first, although for a long time strangely overlooked. Scheiner pointed out in 1630 that different spots gave different periods, adding the significant remark that one at a distance from the solar equator revolved more slowly than those nearer to it.[418] But the hint was wasted. For upwards of two centuries ideas on the subject were either retrograde or stationary. What were called the "proper motions" of spots were, however, recognised by Schröter,[419] and utterly baffled Laugier,[420] who despaired of obtaining any concordant result as to the sun's rotation except by taking the mean of a number of discordant ones. At last, in 1855,[Pg 147] a valuable course of observations made at Capo di Monte, Naples, in 1845-6, enabled C. H. F. Peters[421] to set in the clearest light the insecurity of determinations based on the assumption of fixity in objects plainly affected by movements uncertain both in amount and direction.
Such was the state of affairs when Carrington entered upon his task. Everything was in confusion; the most that could be said was that the confusion had come to be distinctly admitted and referred to its true source. What he discovered was this: that the sun, or at least the outer shell of the sun visible to us, has no single period of rotation, but drifts round, carrying the spots with it, at a rate continually accelerated from the poles to the equator. In other words, the time of axial revolution is shortest at the equator and lengthens with increase of latitude. Carrington devised a mathematical formula by which the rate or "law" of this lengthening was conveniently expressed; but it was a purely empirical one. It was a concise statement, but implied no physical interpretation. It summarised, but did not explain the facts. An assumed "mean period" for the solar rotation of 25·38 days (twenty-five days nine hours, very nearly), was thus found to be actually conformed to only in two parallels of solar latitude (14° north and south), while the equatorial period was slightly less than twenty-five, and that of latitude 50° rose to twenty-seven days and a half.[422] These curious results gave quite a new direction to ideas on solar physics.
The other two "elements" of the sun's rotation were also ascertained by Carrington with hitherto unattained precision. He fixed the inclination of its axis to the ecliptic at 82° 45′; the longitude of the ascending node at 73° 40′ (for the epoch 1850 A.D.). These data—which have scarcely yet been improved upon—suffice to determine the position in space of the sun's equator. Its north pole is directed towards a star in the coils of the Dragon, midway between Vega and the Pole-star; its plane intersects that of the earth's orbit in such a way that our planet finds itself in the same level on or about the 3rd of June and the 5th of December, when any spots visible on the disc cross it in apparently straight lines. At other times, the paths pursued by them seem curved—downward (to an observer in the northern hemisphere) between June and December, upward between December and June.
A singular peculiarity in the distribution of sun-spots emerged from Carrington's studies at the time of the minimum of 1856. Two broad belts of the solar surface, as we have seen, are frequented by them, of which the limits may be put at 6° and 35° of north and[Pg 148] south latitude. Individual equatorial spots are not uncommon, but nearer to the poles than 35° they are a rare exception. Carrington observed—as an extreme instance—in July, 1858, one in south latitude 44°; and Peters, in June, 1846, watched, during several days, a spot in 50° 24′ north latitude. But beyond this no true macula has ever been seen; for Lahire's reported observation of one in latitude 70° is now believed to have had its place on the solar globe erroneously assigned; and the "veiled spots" described by Trouvelot in 1875[423] as occurring within 10° of the pole can only be regarded as, at the most, the same kind of disturbance in an undeveloped form.
But the novelty of Carrington's observations consisted in the detection of certain changes in distribution concurrent with the progress of the eleven-year period. As the minimum approached, the spot-zones contracted towards the equator, and there finally vanished; then, as if by a fresh impulse, spots suddenly reappeared in high latitude, and spread downwards with the development of the new phase of activity. Scarcely had this remark been made public,[424] when Wolf[425] found a confirmation of its general truth in Böhm's observations during the years 1833-36; and a perfectly similar behaviour was noted both by Spörer and Secchi at the minimum epoch of 1867. The ensuing period gave corresponding indications; and it may now be looked upon as established that the spot-zones close in towards the equator with the advance of each cycle, their activity culminating, as a rule, in a mean latitude of about 16°, and expiring when it is reduced to 6°. Before this happens, however, a completely new disturbance will have manifested itself some 35° north and south of the equator, and will have begun to travel over the same course as its predecessor. Each series of sun-spots is thus, to some extent, overlapped by the succeeding one; so that while the average interval from one maximum to the next is eleven years, the period of each distinct wave of agitation is twelve or fourteen.[426] Curious evidence of the retarded character of the maximum of 1883-4 was to be found in the unusually low latitude of the spot-zones when it occurred. Their movement downward having gone on regularly while the crisis was postponed, its final symptoms were hence displaced locally as well as in time. The "law of zones" was duly obeyed at the minima of 1890[427] and 1901, and Spörer found evidence of conformity to it so far back as 1619.[428] His researches, however, also showed that it was in abeyance[Pg 149] during some seventy years previously to 1716, during which period sun-spots remained persistently scarce, and auroral displays were feeble and infrequent even in high northern latitudes. An unaccountable suspension of solar activity is, in fact, indicated.[429]
Gustav Spörer, born at Berlin in 1822, began to observe sun-spots with the view of assigning the law of solar rotation in December, 1860. His assiduity and success with limited means attracted attention, and a Government endowment was procured for his little solar observatory at Anclam, in Pomerania, the Crown Prince (afterwards Emperor Frederick) adding a five-inch refractor to its modest equipment. Unaware of Carrington's discovery (not made known until January, 1859), he arrived at and published, in June, 1861,[430] a similar conclusion as to the equatorial quickening of the sun's movement on its axis. Appointed observer in the new Astrophysical establishment at Potsdam in 1874, he continued his sun-spot determinations there for twenty years, and died July 7, 1895.
The time had now evidently come for a fundamental revision of current notions respecting the nature of the sun. Herschel's theory of a cool, dark, habitable globe, surrounded by, and protected against, the radiations of a luminous and heat-giving envelope, was shattered by the first dicta of spectrum analysis. Traces of it may be found for a few years subsequent to 1859,[431] but they are obviously survivals from an earlier order of ideas, doomed to speedy extinction. It needs only a moment's consideration of the meaning at last found for the Fraunhofer lines to see the incompatibility of the new facts with the old conceptions. They implied not only the presence near the sun, as glowing vapours, of bodies highly refractory to heat, but that these glowing vapours formed the relatively cool envelope of a still hotter internal mass. Kirchhoff, accordingly, included in his great memoir "On the Solar Spectrum," read before the Berlin Academy of Sciences, July 11, 1861, an exposition of the views on the subject to which his memorable investigations had led him. They may be briefly summarised as follows:
Since the body of the sun gives a continuous spectrum, it must be either solid or liquid,[432] while the interruptions in its light prove it to be surrounded by a complex atmosphere of metallic vapours, somewhat cooler than itself. Spots are simply clouds due to local depressions of temperature, differing in no respect from terrestrial clouds except as regards the kinds of matter composing them.[Pg 150] These sun-clouds take their origin in the zones of encounter between polar and equatorial currents in the solar atmosphere.
This explanation was liable to all the objections urged against the "cumulus theory" on the one hand, and the "trade-wind theory" on the other. Setting aside its propounder, it was consistently upheld perhaps by no man eminent in science except Spörer; and his advocacy of it proved ineffective to secure its general adoption.
M. Faye, of the Paris Academy of Sciences, was the first to propose a coherent scheme of the solar constitution covering the whole range of new discovery. The fundamental ideas on the subject now in vogue here made their first connected appearance. Much, indeed, remained to be modified and corrected; but the transition was finally made from the old to the new order of thought. The essence of the change may be conveyed in a single sentence. The sun was thenceforth regarded, not as a mere heated body, or—still more remotely from the truth—as a cool body unaccountably spun round with a cocoon of fire, but as a vast heat-radiating machine. The terrestrial analogy was abandoned in one more particular besides that of temperature. The solar system of circulation, instead of being adapted, like that of the earth, to the distribution of heat received from without, was seen to be directed towards the transportation towards the surface of the heat contained within. Polar and equatorial currents, tending to a purely superficial equalisation of temperature, were replaced by vertical currents bringing up successive portions of the intensely heated interior mass, to contribute their share in turn to the radiation into space which might be called the proper function of a sun.
Faye's views, which were communicated to the Academy of Sciences, January 16, 1865,[433] were avowedly based on the anomalous mode of solar rotation discovered by Carrington. This may be regarded either as an acceleration increasing from the poles to the equator, or as a retardation increasing from the equator to the poles, according to the rate of revolution we choose to assume for the unseen nucleus. Faye preferred to consider it a retardation produced by ascending currents continually left behind as the sphere widened in which the matter composing them was forced to travel. He further supposed that the depth from which these vertical currents rose, and consequently the amount of retardation effected by their ascent to the surface, became progressively greater as the poles were approached, owing to the considerable flattening of the spheroidal surface from which they started;[434] but the adoption of this expedient has been shown to involve inadmissible consequences.
The extreme internal mobility betrayed by Carrington's and Spörer's observations led to the inference that the matter composing the sun was mainly or wholly gaseous. This had already been suggested by Father Secchi[435] a year earlier, and by Sir John Herschel in April, 1864;[436] but it first obtained general currency through Faye's more elaborate presentation. A physical basis was afforded for the view by Cagniard de la Tour's experiments in 1822,[437] proving that, under conditions of great heat and pressure, the vaporous state was compatible with a very considerable density. The position was strengthened when Andrews showed, in 1869,[438] that above a fixed limit of temperature, varying for different bodies, true liquefaction is impossible, even though the pressure be so tremendous as to retain the gas within the same space that enclosed the liquid. The opinion that the mass of the sun is gaseous now commands a very general assent; although the gaseity admitted is of such a nature as to afford the consistence rather of honey or pitch than of the aeriform fluids with which we are familiar.
On another important point the course of subsequent thought was powerfully influenced by Faye's conclusions in 1865. Arago somewhat hastily inferred from experiments with the polariscope the wholly gaseous nature of the visible disc of the sun. Kirchhoff, on the contrary, believed (erroneously, as we now know) that the brilliant continuous spectrum derived from it proved it to be a white-hot solid or liquid. Herschel and Secchi[439] indicated a cloud-like structure as that which would best harmonise the whole of the evidence at command. The novelty introduced by Faye consisted in regarding the photosphere no longer "as a defined surface, in the mathematical sense, but as a limit to which, in the general fluid mass, ascending currents carry the physical or chemical phenomena of incandescence."[440] Uprushing floods of mixed vapours with strong affinities—say of calcium or sodium and oxygen—at last attain a region cool enough to permit their combination; a fine dust of solid or liquid compound particles (of lime or soda, for example) there collects into the photospheric clouds, and descending by its own weight in torrents of incandescent rain, is dissociated by the fierce heat below, and replaced by ascending and combining currents of similar constitution.
This first attempt to assign the part played in cosmical physics by chemical affinities was marked by the importation into the theory[Pg 152] of the sun of the now familiar phrase dissociation. It is indeed tolerably certain that no such combinations as those contemplated by Faye occur at the photospheric level, since the temperature there must be enormously higher than would be needed to reduce all metallic earths and oxides; but molecular changes of some kind, dependent perhaps in part upon electrical conditions, in part upon the effects of radiation into space, most likely replace them. The conjecture was emitted by Dr. Johnstone Stoney in 1867[441] that the photospheric clouds are composed of carbon-particles precipitated from their mounting vapour just where the temperature is lowered by expansion and radiation to the boiling-point of that substance. But this view, though countenanced by Ångström,[442] and advocated by Hastings of Baltimore,[443] and other authorities,[444] is open to grave objections.[445]
In Faye's theory, sun-spots were regarded as simply breaks in the photospheric clouds, where the rising currents had strength to tear them asunder. It followed that they were regions of increased heat—regions, in fact, where the temperature was too high to permit the occurrence of the precipitations to which the photosphere is due. Their obscurity was attributed, as in Dr. Brester's more recent Théorie du Soleil, to deficiency of emissive power. Yet here the verdict of the spectroscope is adverse and irreversible.
After every deduction, however, has been made, we still find that several ideas of permanent value were embodied in this comprehensive sketch of the solar constitution. The principal of these were; first, that the sun is a mainly gaseous body; secondly, that its stores of heat are rendered available at the surface by means of vertical convection-currents—by the bodily transport, that is to say, of intensely hot matter upward, and of comparatively cool matter downward; thirdly, that the photosphere is a surface of condensation, forming the limit set by the cold of space to this circulating process, and that a similar formation must attend, at a certain stage, the cooling of every cosmical body.
To Warren de la Rue belongs the honour of having obtained the earliest results of substantial value in celestial photography. What had been done previously was interesting in the way of promise, but much could not be claimed for it as actual performance. Some "pioneering experiments" were made by Dr. J. W. Draper of New York in 1840, resulting in the production of a few "moon-pictures"[Pg 153] one inch in diameter;[446] but slight encouragement was derived from them, either to himself or others. Bond of Cambridge (U.S.), however, secured in 1850 with the Harvard 15-inch refractor that daguerreotype of the moon with which the career of extra-terrestrial photography may be said to have formally opened. It was shown in London at the Great Exhibition of 1851, and determined the direction of De la Rue's efforts. Yet it did little more than prove the art to be a possible one.
Warren de la Rue was born in Guernsey in 1815, and died in London April 19, 1889. Educated at the École Sainte-Barbe in Paris, he made a large fortune as a paper manufacturer in England, and thus amply and early provided the material supplies for his scientific campaign. Towards the end of 1853 he took some successful lunar photographs. They were remarkable as the first examples of the application to astronomical light-painting of the collodion process, invented by Archer in 1851; and also of the use of reflectors (De la Rue's was one of thirteen inches, constructed by himself) for that kind of work. The absence of a driving apparatus was, however, very sensibly felt; the difficulty of moving the instrument by hand so as accurately to follow the moon's apparent motion being such as to cause the discontinuance of the experiments until 1857, when the want was supplied. De la Rue's new observatory, built in that year at Cranford, was expressly dedicated to celestial photography; and there he applied to the heavenly bodies the stereoscopic method of obtaining relief, and turned his attention to the delicate business of photographing the sun.
A solar daguerreotype was taken at Paris, April 2, 1845,[447] by Foucault and Fizeau, acting on a suggestion from Arago. But the attempt, though far from being unsuccessful, does not, at that time, seem to have been repeated. Its great difficulty consisted in the enormous light-power of the object to be represented, rendering an inconceivably short period of exposure indispensable, under pain of getting completely "burnt-up" plates. In 1857 De la Rue was commissioned by the Royal Society to construct an instrument specially adapted to the purpose for the Kew Observatory. The resulting "photoheliograph" may be described as a small telescope (of 3-1/2 inches aperture and 50 focus), with a plate-holder at the eye-end, guarded in front by a spring-slide, the rapid movement of which across the field of view secured for the sensitive plate a virtually instantaneous exposure. By its means the first solar light-pictures of real value were taken, and the autographic record of the solar[Pg 154] condition recommended by Sir John Herschel was commenced and continued at Kew during fourteen years—1858-72. The work of photographing the sun is now carried on in every quarter of the globe, from Mauritius to Massachusetts, and the days are few indeed on which the self-betrayal of the camera can be evaded by our chief luminary. In the year 1883 the incorporation of Indian with Greenwich pictures afforded a record of the state of the solar surface on 340 days; and 364 were similarly provided for in 1897 and 1899.
The conclusions arrived at by photographic means at Kew were communicated to the Royal Society in a series of papers drawn up jointly by De la Rue, Balfour Stewart, and Benjamin Loewy, in 1865 and subsequent years. They influenced materially the progress of thought on the subject they were concerned with.
By its rotation the sun itself offers opportunities for bringing the stereoscope to bear upon it. Two pictures, taken at an interval of twenty-six minutes, show just the amount of difference needed to give, by their combination, the maximum effect of solidity.[448] De la Rue thus obtained, in 1861, a stereoscopic view of a sun-spot and surrounding faculæ, representing the various parts in their true mutual relations. "I have ascertained in this way," he wrote,[449] "that the faculæ occupy the highest portions of the sun's photosphere, the spots appearing like holes in the penumbræ, which appeared lower than the regions surrounding them; in one case, parts of the faculæ were discovered to be sailing over a spot apparently at some considerable height above it." Thus Wilson's inference as to the depressed nature of spots received, after the lapse of not far from a century, proof of the most simple, direct, and convincing kind. A careful application of Wilson's own geometrical test gave results only a trifle less decisive. Of 694 spots observed, 78 per cent. showed, as they traversed the disc, the expected effects of perspective;[450] and their absence in the remaining 22 per cent. might be explained by internal commotions producing irregularities of structure. The absolute depth of spot-cavities—at least of their sloping sides—was determined by Father Secchi through measurement of the "parallax of profundity"[451]—that is, of apparent displacements attendant on the sun's rotation, due to depression below the sun's surface. He found that in every case it fell short of 4,000 miles, and averaged not more than 1,321, corresponding, on[Pg 155] the terrestrial scale, to an excavation in the earth's crust of 1-1/5 miles. Of late, however, the reality of even this moderate amount of depression has been denied. Mr. Howlett's persevering observations, extending over a third of a century, the results of which were presented to the Royal Astronomical Society in December, 1894,[452] availed to shatter the consensus of opinion which had so long been maintained on the subject of spot-structure.[453] It has become impossible any longer to hold that it is uniformly cavernous; and what seem like actually protruding umbræ are occasionally vouched for on unimpeachable authority.[454] We can only infer that the forms of sun-spots are really more various than had been supposed; that they are peculiarly subject to disturbance; and that the level of the nuclei may rise and fall during the phases of commotion, like lavas within volcanic craters.
The opinion of the Kew observers as to the nature of such disturbances was strongly swayed by another curious result of the "statistical method" of inquiry. They found that of 1,137 instances of spots accompanied by faculæ, 584 had those faculæ chiefly or entirely on the left, 508 showed a nearly equal distribution, while 45 only had faculous appendages mainly on the right side.[455] Now the rotation of the sun, as we see it, is performed from left to right; so that the marked tendency of the faculæ was a lagging one. This was easily accounted for by supposing the matter composing them to have been flung upwards from a considerable depth, whence it would reach the surface with the lesser absolute velocity belonging to a smaller circle of revolution, and would consequently fall behind the cavities or "spots" formed by its abstraction. An attempt, it is true, made by M. Wilsing at Potsdam in 1888[456] to determine the solar rotation from photographs of faculæ had an outcome inconsistent with this view of their origin. They unexpectedly gave a uniform period. No trace of the retardation poleward from the equator, shown by the spots, could be detected in their movements. But the experiment was obviously inconclusive;[457] and M. Stratonoff's[458] repetition of it with ampler materials gave a full assurance that faculæ rotate like spots in periods lengthening as latitude augments.
The ideas of M. Faye were, on two fundamental points, contradicated[Pg 156] by the Kew investigators. He held spots to be regions of uprush and of heightened temperature; they believed their obscurity to be due to a downrush of comparatively cool vapours. Now M. Chacornac, observing, at Ville-Urbanne, March 6, 1865, saw floods of photospheric matter visibly precipitating themselves into the abyss opened by a great spot, and carrying with them small neighbouring maculæ.[459] Similar instances were repeatedly noted by Father Secchi, who considered the existence of a kind of suction in spots to be quite beyond question.[460] The tendency in their vicinity, to put it otherwise, is centripetal, not centrifugal; and this alone seems to negative the supposition of a central uprush.
A fresh witness was by this time at hand. The application of the spectroscope to the direct examination of the sun's surface dates from March 4, 1866, when Sir Norman Lockyer (to give him his present title) undertook an inquiry into the cause of the darkening in spots.[461] It was made possible by the simple device of throwing upon the slit of the spectroscope an image of the sun, any part of which could be subjected to special scrutiny, instead of, as had hitherto been done, admitting rays from every portion of his surface indiscriminately. The answer to the inquiry was prompt and unmistakable, and was again, in this case, adverse to the French theorist's view. The obscurations in question were found to be produced by no deficiency of emissive power, but by an increase of absorptive action. The background of variegated light remains unchanged, but more of it is stopped by the interposition of a dense mass of relatively cool vapours. The spectrum of a sun-spot is crossed by the same set of multitudinous dark lines, with some minor differences, visible in the ordinary solar spectrum. We must then conclude that the same vapours (speaking generally) which are dispersed over the unbroken solar surface are accumulated in the umbral cavity, the compression incident to such accumulation being betrayed by the thickening of certain lines of absorption. But there is also a general absorption, extending almost continuously from one end of the spot-spectrum to the other. Using, however, a spectroscope of exceptionally high dispersive power, Professor Young of Princeton, New Jersey, succeeded in 1883 in "resolving" the supposed continuous obscurity of spot-spectra into a countless multitude of fine dark lines set very close together.[462] Their structure was seen still more perfectly, about five years later, by M. Dunér,[463] Director of the Upsala Observatory, who traced besides some[Pg 157] shadowy vestiges of the crowded doublets and triplets forming the array, from the spots on to the general solar surface. They cease to be separable in the blue part of the spectrum; and the ultra-violet radiations of spots show nothing distinctive.[464]
As to the movements of the constipated vapours forming spots, the spectroscope is also competent to supply information. The principle of the method by which it is procured will be explained farther on. Suffice it here to say that the transport, at any considerable velocity, to or from the eye of the gaseous material giving bright or dark lines, can be measured by the displacement of such lines from their previously known normal positions. In this way movements have been detected in or above spots of enormous rapidity, ranging up to 320 miles per second. But the result, so far, has been to negative the ascription to them of any systematic direction. Uprushes and downrushes are doubtless, as Father Cortie remarks,[465] "correlated phenomena in the production of a sun-spot"; but neither seem to predominate as part of its regular internal economy.
The same kind of spectroscopic evidence tells heavily against a theory of sun-spots started by Faye in 1872. He had been foremost in pointing out that the observations of Carrington and Spörer absolutely forbade the supposition that any phenomenon at all resembling our trade-winds exists in the sun. They showed, indeed, that beyond the parallels of 20° there is a general tendency in spots to a slow poleward displacement, while within that zone they incline to approach the equator; but their "proper movements" gave no evidence of uniformly flowing currents in latitude. The systematic drift of the photosphere is strictly a drift in longitude; its direction is everywhere parallel to the equator. This fact being once clearly recognised, the "solar tornado" hypothesis at once fell to pieces; but M. Faye[466] perceived another source of vorticose motion in the unequal rotating velocities of contiguous portions of the photosphere. The "pores" with which the whole surface of the sun is studded he took to be the smaller eddies resulting from these inequalities; the spots to be such eddies developed into whirlpools. It only needs to thrust a stick into a stream to produce the kind of effect designated. And it happens that the differences of angular movement adverted to attain a maximum just about the latitudes where spots are most frequent and conspicuous.
There are, however, grave difficulties in identifying the two kinds of phenomena. One (already mentioned) is the total absence of the regular swirling motion—in a direction contrary to that of the hands of a watch north of the solar equator, in the opposite sense south of it—which should impress itself upon every lineament of a sun-spot if the cause assigned were a primary producing, and not merely (as it possibly may be) a secondary determining one. The other, pointed out by Young,[467] is that the cause is inadequate to the effect. The difference of movement, or relative drift, supposed to occasion such prodigious disturbances, amounts, at the utmost, for two portions of the photosphere 123 miles apart, to about five yards a minute. Thus the friction of contiguous sections must be quite insignificant.
A view better justified by observation was urged by Secchi in and after the year 1872, and was presented in an improved form by Professor Young in his excellent little book on The Sun, published in 1882.[468] Spots are manifestly associated with violent eruptive action, giving rise to the faculæ and prominences which usually garnish their borders. It is accordingly contended that upon the withdrawal of matter from below by the flinging up of a prominence must ensue a sinking-in of the surface, into which the partially cooled erupted vapours rush and settle, producing just the kind of darkening by increased absorption told of by the spectroscope. Round the edges of the cavity the rupture of the photospheric shell will form lines of weakness provocative of further eruptions, which will, in their turn, deepen and enlarge the cavity. The phenomenon thus tends to perpetuate itself, until equilibrium is at last restored by internal processes. A sun-spot might then be described as an inverted terrestrial volcano, in which the outbursts of heated matter take place on the borders instead of at the centre of the crater, while the cooled products gather in the centre instead of at the borders.
But on the earth, the solid crust forcibly represses the steam gathering beneath until it has accumulated strength for an explosion, while there is no such restraining power that we know of in the sun. Zöllner, indeed, adapted his theory of the solar constitution to the special purpose of procuring it; yet with very partial success, since almost every new fact has proved adverse to his assumptions. Volcanic action is essentially spasmodic. It implies habitual constraint varied by temporary outbreaks, inconceivable in a gaseous globe, such as we believe the sun to be.
If the "volcanic hypothesis" represented the truth, no spot could possibly appear without a precedent eruption. The real order of the phenomenon, however, is exceedingly difficult to ascertain; nor is it perhaps invariable. Although, in most cases, the "opening" shows first, that may be simply because it is more easily seen. According to Father Sidgreaves,[469] the disturbance has then already passed the incipient stage. He considers it indeed "highly probable that the preparatory sign of a new spot is always a small, bright patch of facula."
This sequence, if established, would be fatal to Lockyer's theory of sun-spots, communicated to the Royal Society, May 6, 1886,[470] and further developed some months later in his work on The Chemistry of the Sun. Spots are represented in it as incidental to a vast system of solar atmospheric circulation, starting with the polar out- and up-flows indicated by observations during some total eclipses, and eventuating in the plunge downward from great heights upon the photosphere of prodigious masses of condensed materials. From these falls result, primarily, spots; secondarily, through the answering uprushes in which chemical and mechanical forces co-operate, their girdles of flame-prominences. The evidence is, however, slight that such a circulatory flow as would be needed to maintain this supposed cycle of occurrences really prevails in the sun's atmosphere; and a similar objection applies to an "anticyclonic theory" (so to designate it) elaborated by Egon von Oppolzer in 1893.[471] August Schmidt's optical rationale of solar phenomena[472] was, on the other hand, a complete novelty, both in principle and development. Attractive to speculators from its recondite nature and far-reaching scope, it by no means commended itself to practical observers, intolerant of finding the all but palpable realities of their daily experience dealt with as illusory products of "circular refraction."
A singular circumstance has now to be recounted. On the 1st of September, 1859, while Carrington was engaged in his daily work of measuring the positions of sun-spots, he was startled by the sudden appearance of two patches of peculiarly intense light within the area of the largest group visible. His first idea was that a ray of unmitigated sunshine had penetrated the screen employed to reduce the brilliancy of the image; but, having quickly convinced himself to the contrary, he ran to summon an additional witness of an unmistakably remarkable occurrence. On his return he was disappointed to find the strange luminous outburst already on the[Pg 160] wane; shortly afterwards the last trace vanished. Its entire duration was five minutes—from 11.18 to 11.23 A.M., Greenwich time; and during those five minutes it had traversed a space estimated at 35,000 miles! No perceptible change took place in the details of the group of spots visited by this transitory conflagration, which, it was accordingly inferred, took place at a considerable height above it.[473]
Carrington's account was precisely confirmed by an observation made at Highgate. Mr. R. Hodgson described the appearance seen by him as that "of a very brilliant star of light, much brighter than the sun's surface, most dazzling to the protected eye, illuminating the upper edges of the adjacent spots and streaks, not unlike in effect the edging of the clouds at sunset."[474]
This unique phenomenon seemed as if specially designed to accentuate the inference of a sympathetic relation between the earth and the sun. From the 28th of August to the 4th of September, 1859, a magnetic storm of unparalleled intensity, extent, and duration, was in progress over the entire globe. Telegraphic communication was everywhere interrupted—except, indeed, that it was, in some cases, found practicable to work the lines without batteries, by the agency of the earth-currents alone:[475] sparks issued from the wires; gorgeous auroræ draped the skies in solemn crimson over both hemispheres, and even within the tropics; the magnetic needle lost all trace of continuity in its movements, and darted to and fro as if stricken with inexplicable panic. The coincidence was drawn even closer. At the very instant[476] of the solar outburst witnessed by Carrington and Hodgson, the photographic apparatus at Kew registered a marked disturbance of all the three magnetic elements; while, shortly after the ensuing midnight, the electric agitation culminated, thrilling the earth with subtle vibrations, and lighting up the atmosphere from pole to pole with the coruscating splendours which, perhaps, dimly recall the times when our ancient planet itself shone as a star.
Here then, at least, the sun was—in Professor Balfour Stewart's phrase—"taken in the act"[477] of stirring up terrestrial commotions. Nor have instances since been wanting of an indubitable connection between outbreaks of individual spots and magnetic disturbances. Four such were registered in 1882; and symptoms of the same kind, including the beautiful "Rose Aurora," marked the progress across[Pg 161] the sun of the enormous spot-group of February, 1892—the largest ever recorded at Greenwich. This extraordinary formation, which covered about 1/300 of the sun's disc, survived through five complete rotations.[478] It was remarkable for a persistent drift in latitude, its place altering progressively from 17° to 30° south of the solar equator.
Again, the central passage of an enormous spot on September 9, 1898, synchronised with a sharp magnetic disturbance and brilliant aurora;[479] and the coincidence was substantially repeated in March, 1899,[480] when it was emphasised by the prevalent cosmic calm. The theory of the connection is indeed far from clear. Lord Kelvin, in 1892,[481] pronounced against the possibility of any direct magnetic action by the sun upon the earth, on the ground of its involving an extravagant output of energy; but the fact is unquestionable that—in Professor Bigelow's words—"abnormal agitations affect the sun and the earth as a whole and at the same time."[482]
The nearer approach to the event of September 1, 1859, was photographically observed by Professor George E. Hale at Chicago, July 15, 1892.[483] An active spot in the southern hemisphere was the scene of this curiously sudden manifestation. During an interval of 12m. between two successive exposures, a bridge of dazzling light was found to have spanned the boundary-line dividing the twin-nuclei of the spot; and these, after another 27m., were themselves almost obliterated by an overflow of far-spreading brilliancy. Yet two hours later, no trace of the outburst remained, the spot and its attendant faculæ remaining just as they had been previously to its occurrence. Unlike that seen by Carrington, it was accompanied by no exceptional magnetic phenomena, although a "storm" set in next day.[484] Possibly a terrestrial analogue to the former might be discovered in the "auroral beam" which traversed the heavens during a vivid display of polar lights, November 17, 1882, and shared, there is every reason to believe, their electrical origin and character.[485]
Meantime M. Rudolf Wolf, transferred to the direction of the Zürich Observatory, where he died, December 6, 1893, had relaxed none of his zeal in the investigation of sun-spot periodicity. A laborious revision of the entire subject with the aid of fresh[Pg 162] materials led him, in 1859,[486] to the conclusion that while the mean period differed little from that arrived at in 1852 of 11.11 years, very considerable fluctuations on either side of that mean were rather the rule than the exception. Indeed, the phrase "sun-spot period" must be understood as fitting very loosely the great fact it is taken to represent; so loosely, that the interval between two maxima may rise to sixteen and a half or sink below seven and a half years.[487] In 1861[488] Wolf showed, and the remark was fully confirmed at Kew, that the shortest periods brought the most acute crises, and vice versâ; as if for each wave of disturbance a strictly equal amount of energy were available, which might spend itself lavishly and rapidly, or slowly and parsimoniously, but could in no case be exceeded. The further inclusion of recurring solar commotions within a cycle of fifty-five and a half years was simultaneously pointed out; and Hermann Fritz showed soon afterwards that the aurora borealis is subject to an identical double periodicity.[489] The same inquirer has more recently detected both for auroræ and sun-spots a "secular period" of 222 years,[490] and the Kew observations indicate for the latter, oscillations accomplished within twenty-six and twenty-four days,[491] depending, most likely, upon the rotation of the sun. This is certainly reflected in magnetic, and perhaps in auroral periodicity. The more closely, in fact, spot-fluctuations are looked into, the more complex they prove. Maxima of one order are superposed upon, or in part neutralised by, maxima of another order;[492] originating causes are masked by modifying causes; the larger waves of the commotion are indented with minor undulations, and these again crisped with tiny ripples, while the whole rises and falls with the swell of the great secular wave, scarcely perceptible in its progress because so vast in scale.
The idea that solar maculation depends in some way upon the[Pg 163] position of the planets occurred to Galileo in 1612.[493] It has been industriously sifted by a whole bevy of modern solar physicists. Wolf in 1859[494] found reason to believe that the eleven-year curve is determined by the action of Jupiter, modified by that of Saturn, and diversified by influences proceeding from the earth and Venus. Its tempting approach to agreement with Jupiter's period of revolution round the sun, indeed, irresistibly suggested a causal connection; yet it does not seem that the most skilful "coaxing" of figures can bring about a fundamental harmony. Carrington pointed out in 1863, that while, during eight successive periods, from 1770 downwards, there were approximate coincidences between Jupiter's aphelion passages and sun-spot maxima, the relation had been almost exactly reversed in the two periods preceding that date;[495] and Wolf himself finally concluded that the Jovian origin must be abandoned.[496] M. Duponchel's[497] prediction, nevertheless, of an abnormal retardation of the maximum due in 1881 through certain peculiarities in the positions of Uranus and Neptune about the time it fell due, was partially verified by the event, since, after an abortive phase of agitation in April, 1882, the final outburst was postponed to January, 1894. The interval was thus 13.5 instead of 11.1 years; and it is noticeable that the delay affected chiefly the southern hemisphere. Alternations of activity in the solar hemispheres were indeed a marked feature of the maximum of 1884, which, in M. Faye's view,[498] derived thence its indecisive character, while sharp, strong crises arise with the simultaneous advance of agitation north and south of the solar equator. The curve of magnetic disturbance followed with its usual strict fidelity the anomalous fluctuations of the sun-spot curve. The ensuing minimum occurred early in 1889, and was succeeded in 1894 by a maximum slightly less feeble than its predecessor.[499]
It cannot be said that much progress has been made towards the disclosure of the cause, or causes, of the sun-spot cycle. No external influence adequate to the effect has, at any rate, yet been pointed out. Most thinkers on this difficult subject provide a quasi-explanation of the periodicity in question through certain assumed vicissitudes affecting internal processes;[500] Sir Norman Lockyer and E. von Oppolzer reach the same end by establishing self-compensatory fluctuations in the solar atmospheric circulation;[Pg 164] Dr. Schuster resorts to changes in the electrical conductivity of space near the sun.[501] In all these theories, however, the course of transition is arbitrarily arranged to suit a period, which imposes itself as a fact peremptorily claiming admittance, while obstinately defying explanation.
The question so much discussed, as to the influence of sun-spots on weather, does not admit of a satisfactory answer. The facts of meteorology are too complex for easy or certain classification. Effects owning dependence on one cause often wear the livery of another; the meaning of observed particulars may be inverted by situation; and yet it is only by the collection and collocation of particulars that we can hope to reach any general law. There is, however, a good deal of evidence to support the opinion—the grounds for which were primarily derived from the labours of Dr. Meldrum at Mauritius—that increased rainfall and atmospheric agitation attend spot-maxima; while Herschel's conjecture of a more copious emission of light and heat about the same epochs has recently obtained some countenance from Savélieff's measures showing a gain in the strength of the sun's radiation pari passu with increase in the number of spots visible on his surface.[502]
The examination of what we may call the texture of the sun's surface derived new interest from a remarkable announcement made by Mr. James Nasmyth in 1862.[503] He had made (as he supposed) the discovery that the entire luminous stratum of the sun is composed of a multitude of elongated shining objects on a darker background, shaped much like willow-leaves, of vast size, crossing each other in all possible directions, and possessed of unceasing relative motions. A lively controversy ensued. In England and abroad the most powerful telescopes were directed to a scrutiny encompassed with varied difficulties. Mr. Dawes was especially emphatic in declaring that Nasmyth's "willow-leaves" were nothing more than the "nodules" of Sir William Herschel seen under a misleading aspect of uniformity; and there is little doubt that he was right. It is, nevertheless, admitted that something of the kind may be seen in the penumbræ and "bridges" of spots, presenting an appearance compared by Dawes himself in 1852 to that of a piece of coarse straw-thatching left untrimmed at the edges.[504]
The term "granulated," suggested by Dawes in 1864,[505] best describes the mottled aspect of the solar disc as shown by modern telescopes and cameras. The grains, or rather the "floccules,"[Pg 165] with which it is thickly strewn, have been resolved by Langley, under exceptionally favourable conditions, into "granules" not above 100 miles in diameter; and from these relatively minute elements, composing, jointly, about one-fifth of the visible photosphere,[506] he estimates that three-quarters of the entire light of the sun are derived.[507] Janssen agrees, so far as to say that if the whole surface were as bright as its brightest parts, its luminous emission would be ten to twenty times greater than it actually is.[508]
The rapid changes in the forms of these solar cloud-summits are beautifully shown in the marvellous photographs taken by Janssen at Meudon, with exposures reduced at times to 1/100000 of a second! By their means, also, the curious phenomenon known as the réseau photosphérique has been made evident.[509] This consists in the diffusion over the entire disc of fleeting blurred patches, separated by a reticulation of sharply-outlined and regularly-arranged granules. The imperfect definition in the smudged areas may be due to agitations in the solar or terrestrial atmosphere, unless it be—as Dr. Schemer thinks possible[510]—merely a photographic effect. M. Janssen considers that the photospheric cloudlets change their shape and character with the progress of the sun-spot period;[511] but this is as yet uncertain.
The "grains," or more brilliant parts of the photosphere, are now generally held to represent the upper termination of ascending and condensing currents, while the darker interstices (Herschel's "pores") mark the positions of descending cooler ones. In the penumbræ of spots, the glowing streams rushing up from the tremendous sub-solar furnace are bent sideways by the powerful indraught, so as to change their vertical for a nearly horizontal motion, and are thus taken, as it were, in flank by the eye, instead of being seen end-on in mamelon-form. This gives a plausible explanation of the channelled structure of penumbræ which suggested the comparison to a rude thatch. Accepting this theory as in the main correct, we perceive that the very same circulatory process which, in its spasms of activity, gives rise to spots, produces in its regular course the singular "marbled" appearance, for the recording of which we are no longer at the mercy of the fugitive or delusive impressions of the human retina. And precisely this circulatory process it is which gives to our great luminary its permance as a sun, or warming and illuminating body.
FOOTNOTES:
[405] Mem. R. A. S., vol. xxi., p. 157.
[406] Ibid., p. 160.
[407] Month. Not., vol. xxi., p. 144.
[408] Le Soleil, t. i., pp. 87-90 (2nd ed., 1871).
[409] See ante, p. 58.
[410] Observations at Redhill (1863), Introduction.
[411] Month. Not., vol. xxxvi., p. 142.
[412] Cape Observations, p. 435, note.
[413] Month. Not., vol. x., p. 158.
[414] Rosa Ursina, lib. iii., p. 348.
[415] Observations at Redhill, p. 8.
[416] Op., t. iii., p. 402.
[417] Rosa Ursina, lib. iv., p. 601. Both Galileo and Scheiner spoke of the apparent or "synodical" period, which is about one and a third days longer than the true or "sidereal" one. The difference is caused by the revolution of the earth in its orbit in the same direction with the sun's rotation on its axis.
[418] Rosa Ursina, lib. iii., p. 260.
[419] Faye, Comptes Rendus, t. lx., p. 818.
[420] Ibid., t. xii., p. 648.
[421] Proc. Am. Ass. Adv. of Science, 1885, p. 85.
[422] Observations at Redhill, p. 221.
[423] Am. Jour. of Science, vol. xi., p. 169.
[424] Month. Not., vol. xix., p. 1.
[425] Vierteljahrsschrift der Naturfors. Gesellschaft (Zürich), 1859, p. 252.
[426] Lockyer, Chemistry of the Sun, p. 428.
[427] Maunder, Knowledge, vol. xv., p. 130.
[428] Month. Mon., vol. l., p. 251.
[429] Maunder, Knowledge, vol. xvii., p. 173.
[430] Astr. Nach., No. 1,315.
[431] As late as 1866 an elaborate treatise in its support was written by F. Coyteux, entitled Qu'est-ce que le Soleil? Peut-il être habité? and answering the question in the affirmative.
[432] The subsequent researches of Plücker, Frankland, Wüllner, and others, showed that gases strongly compressed give an absolutely unbroken spectrum.
[433] Comptes Rendus, t. lx., pp. 89, 138.
[434] Ibid., t. c., p. 595.
[435] Bull. Meteor. dell Osservatorio dell Coll. Rom., Jan. 1, 1864, p. 4.
[436] Quart. Jour. of Science, vol. i., p. 222.
[437] Ann. de Chim. et de Phys., t. xxii., p. 127.
[438] Phil. Trans., vol. clix., p. 575.
[439] Les Mondes, Dec. 22, 1864, p. 707.
[440] Comptes Rendus, t. lx., p. 147.
[441] Proc. Roy. Society, vol. xvi., p. 29.
[442] Recherches sur le Spectre Solaire, p. 38.
[443] Am. Jour. of Science, 1881, vol. xxi., p. 41. Hastings stipulated only for some member of the triad, carbon, silicon, and boron.
[444] Ranyard, Knowledge, vol. xvi., p. 190.
[445] Young, The Sun, p. 337, ed. 1897.
[446] H. Draper, Quart. Journ. of Sc., vol. i., p. 381; also Phil. Mag., vol. xvii., 1840, p. 222.
[447] Reproduced in Arago's Popular Astronomy, plate xii., vol. 1.
[448] Report Brit. Ass., 1859, p. 148.
[449] Phil. Trans., vol. clii., p. 407.
[450] Researches in Solar Physics, part i., p. 20.
[451] Both the phrase and the method were suggested by Faye, who estimated the average depth of the luminous sheath of spots at 2,160 miles. Comptes Rendus, t. lxi., p. 1082; t. xcvi., p. 356.
[452] Month. Not., vol. lv., p. 74.
[453] Sidgreaves, Ibid., p. 282; Cortie, Ibid., vol. lviii., p. 91.
[454] Explained by East as refraction-effects. Jour. Brit. Astr. Ass., vol. viii., p. 187.
[455] Proc. Roy. Soc., vol. xiv., p. 39.
[456] Potsdam Publicationen, No. 18; Astr. Nach., Nos. 3,000, 3,287.
[457] Faye, Comptes Rendus, t. cxi., p. 77; Bélopolsky, Astr. Nach., No. 2,991.
[458] Ibid., Nos. 3,275, 3,344.
[459] Lockyer, Contributions to Solar Physics, p. 70.
[460] Le Soleil, p. 87.
[461] Proc. Roy. Soc., vol. xv., p. 256.
[462] Phil. Mag., vol. xvi., p. 460.
[463] Recherches sur la Rotation du Soleil, p. 12.
[464] Hale, Astr. and Astrophysics, vol. xi., p. 814.
[465] Jour. Brit. Astr. Ass., vol. i., p. 177.
[466] Comptes Rendus, t. lxxv., p. 1664; Revue Scientifique, t. v., p. 359 (1883). Mr. Herbert Spencer had already (in The Reader, Feb. 25, 1865) put forward an opinion that spots were of the nature of "cyclonic clouds."
[467] The Sun, p. 174. For Faye's answer to the objection, see Comptes Rendus, t. xcv., p. 1310.
[468] A revised edition appeared in 1897.
[469] Astr. and Astrophysics, vol. xii., p. 832.
[470] Proc. Roy. Soc., No. 244.
[471] Astr. Nach., No. 3,146; Astr. and Astrophysics, vol. xii., pp. 419, 736.
[472] Sirius, Sept., 1893; ibid., vol. xxiii., p. 97; Astrophy. Jour., vol. i., p. 112 (Wilczynski), p. 178 (Keeler); vol. ii., p. 73 (Hale).
[473] Month. Not., vol. xx., p. 13.
[474] Ibid., p. 15.
[475] Am. Jour., vol. xxix. (2nd series), pp. 94, 95.
[476] The magnetic disturbance took place at 11.15 A.M., three minutes before the solar blaze compelled the attention of Carrington.
[477] Phil. Trans., vol. cli., p. 428.
[478] Maunder, Journal Brit. Astr. Ass., vol. ii., p. 386; Miss E. Brown, Ibid., p. 210; Month. Not., vol. lii., p. 354.
[479] Observatory, vol. xxi., p. 387; Maunder, Knowledge, vol. xxi., p. 228; Fényi, Astroph. Jour., vol. x., p. 333.
[480] Ibid., p. 336; W. Anderson, Observatory, vol. xxii., p. 196.
[481] Proc. Roy. Society, vol. lii., p. 307; Rev. W. Sidgreaves, Mem. R. A. S., vol. liv., p. 85.
[482] Report on Solar and Terrestrial Magnetism, Washington, 1898, p. 27.
[483] Astr. and Astrophysics, vol. xi., p. 611.
[484] Ibid., p. 819 (Sidgreaves).
[485] See J. Rand Capron, Phil. Mag., vol. xv., p. 318.
[486] Mittheilungen über die Sonnenflecken, No. ix., Vierteljahrsschrift der Naturforschenden Gesellschaft in Zürich, Jahrgang 4.
[487] Mitth., No. lii., p. 58 (1881).
[488] Ibid., No. xii., p. 192. Baxendell, of Manchester, reached independently a similar conclusion. See Month. Not., vol. xxi., p. 141.
[489] Wolf, Mitth., No. xv., p. 107, etc. Olmsted, following Hansteen, had already, in 1856, sought to establish an auroral period of sixty-five years. Smithsonian Contributions, vol. viii., p. 37.
[490] Hahn, Ueber die Reziehungen der Sonnenfleckenperiode zu meteorologischen Erscheinungen, p. 99 (1877).
[491] Report Brit. Ass., 1881, p. 518; 1883, p. 418.
[492] The Rev. A. Cortie (Month. Not., vol. lx., p. 538) detects the influence of a short subsidiary cycle, Dr. W. J. S. Lockyer that of a thirty-five year period (Nature, June 20, 1901). Professor Newcomb (Astroph. Jour., vol. xiii., p. 11) considers that solar activity oscillates uniformly in 11.13 years, with superposed periodic variations.
[493] Opere, t. iii., p. 412.
[494] Mitth., Nos. vii. and xviii.
[495] Observations at Redhill, p. 248.
[496] Comptes Rendus, t. xcv., p. 1249.
[497] Ibid., t. xciii., p. 827; t. xcvi., p. 1418.
[498] Ibid., t. c, p. 593.
[499] Ellis, Proc. Roy. Society, vol. lxiii., p. 70.
[500] Schultz, Astr. Nach., Nos. 2,817-18, 2,847-8; Wilsing, Ibid., No. 3,039; Bélopolsky, Ibid., No. 2,722.
[501] Report Brit. Ass., 1892, p. 635.
[502] A. W. Augur, Astroph. Jour., vol. xiii., p. 346.
[503] Report Brit. Ass., 1862, p. 16 (pt. ii.).
[504] Mem. R. A. S., vol. xxi., p. 161.
[505] Month. Not., vol. xxiv., p. 162.
[506] Am. Jour. of Science, vol. vii., 1874, p. 92.
[507] Young, The Sun, p. 103.
[508] Ann. Bur. Long., 1879, p. 679.
[509] Ibid., 1878, p. 689.
[510] Himmelsphotographie, p. 273.
[511] Ranyard, Knowledge, vols. xiv., p. 14, xvi., p. 189; see also the accompanying photographs.
article by Agnes Mary Clerke
from The Project Gutenberg eBook of A Popular History of Astronomy During the Nineteenth Century
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